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Blin
Orthography: A History and an Assessment
Paul D. Fallon
University of Mary
Washington
1. Introduction
(1)
Blin (2) is a
Central Cushitic language spoken by an estimated 90,000 in
Eritrea, concentrated in the‘ Anseba region around Keren. Blin
speakers comprise roughly 2% of the Eritrean population, and
Blin is one of nine national languages in Eritrea. Most speakers
are bilingual in the Semitic languages Tigrinya or Tigre, and
many know Amharic, Arabic, and/or English as well. Abbebe (2001)
is an excellent assessment of Blin language vitality and
sociolinguistics. The language policy of the Eritrean government
is to encourage mother-tongue education fornative speakers of
each of its nine ethnolinguistic groups through primary school
(Chefena, Kroon and Walters 1999). When this was implemented for
the Blin in 1997, the government provided Blin curricular
materials in the language using a new Roman-based alphabet. This
overturned a 110-yeartradition of writing Blin in Ethiopic
script. This paper will focus on the history of writing in Blin,
and examine the linguistic and sociolinguistic factors of each
writing system. For more on language planning in Blin in
general, see Fallon (2006).Before proceeding, I will adopt the
following definitions from Daniels (2001). An alphabet is aw
riting system “in which each character stands for a consonant or
a vowel” (44). A syllabary is a system “in which each character
stands for a syllable” (43), in contrast to the system used in
Ethiopian Semitic languages, an abugida, “in which each
character stands for a consonant accompanied by aparti cular
vowel, usually /a/, and other vowels (or no vowel) are indicated
by consistent additions to the consonant symbols” (44). An
example of the first two characters in the Blin abugida are
given in(1), in which each order (or vowel peak of the syllable)
is listed across, and each combining consonan tis listed in a
column. The sixth order is ambiguous between a coda consonant
and onset plus / /.(1)1 2 3 4 5 6 7u i a eoh= h hu hi ha he h/h
hol= l lu li la le l/l loIn the examples, it is fairly easy to
discern a consistent base shape for each character, to which
modifying strokes are added. For example, the second order
(/-u/) adds a short horizontal stroke to the right of the middle
of the character, while the seventh order (/-o/) adds a small
loop to the right. In other cases, however, as in the third
order, the character may be modified to accommodate the vowe
lstroke, as in the vertical stroke for /hi, ha, he/.1An earlier
version of this paper was presented at the Fourth
Cushitic-Omotic Conference held in Leiden in 2002.This research
was supported in part by a Howard University New Faculty Grant,
and a Howard Faculty Research grant. I am indebted to Sulus
Beyed and the Ministry of Education in Asmara for their
cooperation. I am also grateful to Kiflemariam Hamde for
providing some articles, especially Kiflemariam (1996). Of
course, the view sherein are my own, as are any mistakes.2The
spelling here is the native speaker preference in English, by
both supporters of Romanization and the abugida, as well as the
spelling of the language in the new Roman orthography. In the
academic literature, the language is also spelled Bilin, Bilen,
B lin, etc.© 2006 Paul D. Fallon. Selected Proceedings of the
36th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, ed. OlaobaF.
Arasanyin and Michael A. Pemberton, 93-98. Somerville, MA:
Cascadilla Proceedings Project.
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2. Blin in Abugida The earliest published form of Blin may be
found in Sapeto (1857), a Catholic mission report which contains
a multilingual vocabulary list. The Blin (also called Bogos,
after the region) is given in both Ethiopic abugida and an
Italianized Romanization. A few examples, along with the two
modern orthographies, are given below:(2)Dio ‘God’(jar)
Giar(modern /dar/(jar)) Capello ‘hair’( jbok) Sciaibok(modern
/b k/ (shébék))Naso ‘nose’ (k’onba) Qomba(modern /k’umba, k
mba/ (qumba)) Tre ‘three’( sk a) Sekua( modern /sex a/
(sekhwa))As with any first effort, the results were mixed, and
obviously there was L1 interference in perceptionin several
cases, while in others, the sounds were captured accurately in
the abugida but transliterated incorrectly, as in the labialized
velar fricative in the last example for Sapeto’s ‘three’ .The
first substantive use of abugida for Blin was in Reinisch’s
(1882a) translation of the Gospel of Mark, with slight
modifications for sounds unique to Blin; for a critique of this
translation, see Kiflemariam (1986). This was followed by
valuable scholarly work in the form of Reinisch’s
grammar(1882b). Texts in Reinisch (1883) are mostly in
transcription, but in abugida there is the story of Joseph from
Genesis and twenty chapters of stories of Jesus, both with
facing German translation .Reinisch’s (1887) dictionary is in
transcription, but related Tigre and G z (Ge‘ez or Gz) forms are
given in the source script. The last two sources in this period
are Conti Rossini (1907), which includes19 pages of untra
nslated texts of Blin history and songs or dance-poems.
Capomazza (1911) contains aversion of Conti Rossini’s first
tale, along with an Italian translation.The first text initiated
by a native speaker is the Catholic catechism translated from
Tigrinya byFr. Wolde- Yohannes Habtemariam (1939), highly
praised by Kiflemariam Hamde (1986) for its good Blin and
phonetic accuracy. Many other religious materials were
translated in the 1970s, 1980s, and1990s, including the four
Gospels (from G z, Amharic, and English), prayer books, the
Mass, and special services such as Palm Sunday. In the late
1970s and early 1980s, a group of native Blin speakers, many of
them students in Asmara, began working towards standardization
of the orthography, the compilation of a dictionary, and primers
to teach the language to Tigrinya speakers and children growing
up in the diaspora. Foremost among these intellectuals is
Kiflemariam Hamdé, whose 1986 paper contains a wealth of
material, including sociolinguistic analysis, brief grammatical
sketch, and a collection of two multi-stanza poems.
Kiflemariam’s (1996) paper is a brief annotated bibliography of
the development ofBlin orthography during this time. In 1992
Kiflemariam and Paulos produced the first monolingual dictionary
of Blin using abugida, a work of 5,000 words, along with English
glosses. In the diaspora, Bogos (1992) produced a brief volume
of love poems. In Eritrea, the Committee for Developing Blin
Language and Culture (1997) produced a well-regarded volume on
various Blin customs which Sulus(1999) describes as an
“inspiring” volume that “embraces attractive cultural and
traditional values an dpractices”, and is kept in the home of
“practically everyone who speaks Blin at home or abroad”. There
have also been a few proposals for minor orthographic changes
and refinements. More recently, Daniel Yacob (2004), in
collaboration with Blin speaker Tekie Alibeket, has pushed the
Blin versionof the abugida into the computer age with computer
encoding now accepted in Unicode 4.1. We turn next to an
assessment of this writing system. UNESCO has proposed the
principal that “if possible, the writing of a local language
should agree with that of the regional, national, or official
language, so as to facilitate transition from one to the other”
(1972:704 [1953]). Tigrinya, the unofficial language of the
Eritrean government3is spoken by3There is no national language
of Eritrea. Its three working languages are Tigrinya, Arabic,
and English, the language of higher education. Chefena, Kroon,
and Walters (1999:486) point out that Tigrinya is “a symbolic
official language in Eritrea; it represents the state of Eritrea
in the sense that its revitalisation is associated with the
success of the national liberation struggle, which accommodated
Tigrigna linguistic nationalism.”94
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approximately 50% of the population, and it is written in the
Ethiopic abugida. The use of the Blin abugida therefore follows
UNESCO's general principal. There are, of course, a few
characters in the Tigrinya abugida not native to Blin, and a few
Blin sounds such as the plain and labialized velar nasa lsand
velar fricatives which have had to be introduced to accommodate
Blin phonology in writing. Those few Tigrinya speakers who wish
to learn Blin will have little orthographic difficulty. More
importantly, Blin who must learn the national language would
have an easier time learning the 35basic characters (each in
seven orders, one for each following vowel), along with the six
modified character bases for labialized sounds, for a total of
275 character shapes (Mulugeta 2001).In addition, the only Blin
dictionary is written in abugida, providing easy
standardization. Virtually everything written in Blin before
1996 was written in abugida, and thus there is over a century of
tradition in writing Blin that way. Finally, another argument in
favor of the Blin abugida is that it economically represents in
one character < > frequent Blin sounds such as the labialized
velarfricative /x/, which is a common inflectional
ending.Nevertheless, some of the shortcomings of this sytem have
been pointed out. The same criticismof the abugida for Amharic
(Bender, Head and Cowley 1976, Bloor 1995, Getatchew 1996) also
applyto the Blin abugida. First, the sixth order is potentially
ambiguous between a consonant and consonant plus /- /
combination. While Blin syllable structure was an aid to
disambiguate certain sequences, language change has created
novel consonant clusters in the language, as represented by the
name of the language itself, which was usually transliterated
from /b lin/. With a newer syncope rule, the more typical
pronunciation (and hence Romanization) is with an onset cluster:
/ blin / (Fallon 2001). Again,as in Amharic or Tigrinya, there
is no overt way of representing gemination of consonants, which
can form minimal pairs, as pointed out by Sulus (1999):(3) awet
‘where’awwet ‘above’ qwali‘see!’qwalli ‘I didn’t see’ defena
‘bury this! (pl.)’ defenna ‘to bury’ As Zeraghiorghis (1999:16)
notes, this ambiguity creates greater homonymy of certain words
in the abugida, which are disambiguated in the Roman
orthography:(4)‘to hide or banish’
<sherebbna>‘carpentry’<sherrebna>‘mat making’<sherebna>There
have been proposals for disambiguating diacritics in abugida,
but they are not widely used. Another argument against the
abugida is the claim that it is harder to learn than an
alphabet. Kiflemariam and Paulos’ system, for example, contains
186 symbols for Blin, versus the Romana lphabet for Blin, which,
as we shall see, contains 25 letters (plus digraphs and tri
graphs). However, I have seen no citation in the literature that
abugidas make literacy more difficult than alphabets. A more
compelling objection to the abugida is a sociolinguistic one.
Zeraghiorghis (1999) point edout that Muslim Blin refuse to
accept the abugida to write Blin because they associate it with
the Christian religion. (Most speakers of Tigrinya are
Christian, and their liturgical language is usually G z, which
is also written in abugida). Eritrea is roughly 50% Christian
and 50% Muslim. The Blin are 30-50% Christian, and 50-70%
Muslim, though those most interested in the language seem to
bepre dominantly Christian. Chefena et al. (1999:483) also note
that the abugida is received “with less enthusiasm by some Tigre
speakers on religious and socio cultural grounds rather than
because of its phonological inadequacy”.3. Blin in the Roman
Alphabet Upon its independence in 1993, Eritrea’s constitution
provided for a policy of mother-tongue education in primary
school for each of its nine ethnic groups, from three major
language families: the Semitic languages Tigrinya (50%), Tigre
(31.4%) and Rashaida (Hijazi) Arabic (0.5%); Cushitic languages
Saho (5%), Afar (5%), Beja (2.5%), Blin (2.1)%; and Nilo-Saharan
languages Kunama (2%)95
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and Nara (1.5%) (percentage figures from U.S. Department of
State 2005). A policy decision by the Erirean government
required all non-Semitic languages to use a Roman-based
alphabet. The use of such an alphabet is said to make an easier
transition to English-language education, which is used
exclusively in secondary and higher education. The alphabet also
represents a compromise between those who associate the Arabic
script with Islam and the abugida with Christianity
(Zeraghiorghis1999). Nevertheless, this decision was a blow to
those who had invested much intellectual energyr efining the
representation of Blin in abugida. However, according to a
relatively small survey of 100Blin from different walks of life,
the Roman script was preferred by 64%, the abugida by 28%,
andArabic script by 8% (Zeraghiorghis 1999).After a few years of
delay in implementing a primary curriculum for Blin, in part
because of alack of trained personnel, in 1996 the Eritrean
Ministry of Education formed the Blin panel in the Department of
General Education. In 1996-1997 a dialect survey was conducted
(Daniel and Sullus1997) in order to determine intelligibility
between various dialects, and the report concluded that there
was a high degree of mutual intelligibility to permit one set of
curricular materials, but that care should be taken to include
dialect terms from the two main dialects. The following year, a
pilot program withsix teachers and 230 children began mother
tongue instruction in Blin in the village of Ajerbeb.
Sulus(1999) reports that in elementary schools in Blin areas in
which instruction was in Tigrinya or Arabic, the pass rate was
60%, with a substantial dropout rate. In Ajerbeb, however, 83%
of the children passed, and only 2% dropped out. This was
rightly deemed a success, and instruction quickly expanded in
1998-1999, when Blin was used as the medium of instruction in 27
primary schools, abou thalf of which are run by the Catholic
Church. Language, math, and science texts are available ingrades
1-5, along with civics and geography for upper elementary
students. The Blin alphabet contains 25 letters, two of which
involve diacritics: <ñ> is for the velar nasal / /(unlike the
palatal nasal in Spanish) and <é> represents the high central
vowel / /. The 25 letters used are a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, j,
k, l, m, n, ñ, o, q, r, s, t, u, w, x, y, é. The values of these
are related to the IPA except for:(5) <c> = [ ], as in Somali<j>
= [d], as in English<x> = [ ], as in Somali<y> = [j], as in
English<ñ> = [ ] (unique)<é> = [ ] (unique) There are 9
digraphs, which are used to represent labials, ejectives, and
fricatives:(6) labialization: ñw [ ], kw [k], qw [k], gw [
]ejection: ch [t ], qh [k], th [t]frication: kh [x], sh []The
letter <h> is an independent letter representing the glottal
fricative /h/, but as the second element in diacritics, it
repesents ejection after stops, except for after <k>, when it
represents a velar fricative, and, as in English, after /s/ it
represents the alveopalatal fricative / /. Again, with possible
English influence, the digraph <ch> represents /t/, but bears no
regular relation to <c> / /. There are two trigraphs, derived
compositionally: the labialized velar fricative: <khw> [x] and
the labialized vel arejective: <qhw> [k].The canonical
alphabetical order appears to have undergone some flux during
its brief development. In the Eritrean Ministry of Education
(n.d.) chart “The Alphabets”, most but not all digraphs and trig
raphs are placed at the end, after single letters:(7) a, b, c,
d, e, f, g, h, i, j, k, l, m, n, ñw, o, q, r, s, t, u, w, x, y,
é, ñ, ch, kh, qh,sh, th, kw, qw, khw, qhw, gw.The order of the
“Blina Xaleget” (alphabet in the first grade primer Eritrean
Ministry of Education1997b) is:96
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(8) vowels: e, u, i, a, é, oconsonants: b, c, d, f, g, h,j, k,
l, m, n, p, q, r, s, t, v, w, x, y, z, ñ, ñw, th, ch, sh, kh,
kw, hw,qw, gw.The revised order (Sulus p.c.) does not treat
digraphs as separate letters, as in traditional Spanish <ll>,but
integrates them fully into alphabetical order letter by letter,
not phoneme by phoneme: a, b, c, ch,d, e, é, f, g, gw, etc.
Transcription is overall close to surface phonemics, not
morphophonemics. For example, as mentioned above, Blin at least
traditionally did not permit branching onsets. Through a syncope
rule, most unstressed vowels between a stop and liquid are
syncopated, thereby creating onset consonant clusters. The
language reflects this possible restructuring: /b ln/[blin]
<Blin> ‘Blin’. Occasionally, however, an earlier spelling like
<suñw> ‘name’, reflecting the pronunciation /su /, is changed to
something like <séñw> /s /, which reflects a factoring away of
the process of labial spread, by which labialized consonants
spread rounding to adjacent vowels (Fallon 2001).4. Conclusion
Digraphia, according to DeFrancis, is “the use of two or more
different systems of writing the sam elanguage” (1984:59; see
Grivelet 2001 for current work). Dale (1980) notes that during
the transition period between writing systems, “a period of
synchronic digraphia may be expected”. Indeed, although there is
a half-hour daily Blin radio show, its announcers read their
scripts in abugida. Only the teachers and educational personnel,
and children under 13 are truly familiar with this writing
system. Thus in practice, Blin is in a digraphic situation. In
addition, Blin abroad, especially in Scandanavia and Britain
(e.g. Mowes 2003), use the abugida, in part to better integrate
their children into the general culture of the
Tigrinya-dominated Eritrean diaspora. Dale also observes that
“if a new script is introduced for purposes of efficiency or
modernization, the older script may continue for some time in
more traditional uses.” Thus we might expect the Catholic mass,
services, and Gospels to resist being cast in the Roman
alphabet, for some time, especially since new transliterations
take time. Furthermore, due to lack of resources, the Ministry
of Education has not yet produced a Roman script dictionary,
which would help standardize spelling, and give added authority
to the new script. The current situation is therefore balanced
between an older system using abugida with over a century of
tradition, and with a standard dictionary, and a newer, Roman
script with official backing, being taught in elementary
schools, but still lacking alexicographic standard and many
adult users.Cases of digraphia are particularly interesting
since “they indicate situations of competition between forces,
no one of which has been able to prevail against the others”
(Dale 1980). Another generation will help determine whether Blin
develops synchronic digraphia, or whether it was simply
diachronic digraphia, a period of transition. But the most
important thing, however, is that the language is being taught,
and literacy is being promoted. It remains to be seen whether
native speakers will begin developing post literacy materials
and literary works in the new script, or whether they
willcontinue the modest corpus in abugida. ReferencesAbbebe
Kifleyesus. 2001. Bilin: Speaker status strength and weakness.
Africa 56:1.69-89.Bender, Marvin L., Syndney W. Head, and Roger
Cowley. 1976. The Ethiopian writing system. In Language In
Ethiopia, ed. by M.L. Bender, J.D. Bowen, R.L. Cooper, and C.A.
Ferguson, 120-29. London: Oxford University Press. Bloor,
Thomas. 1995. The Ethiopic writing system: A profile. Journal of
the Simplified Spelling Society 2.30-36.Bogos Goitom. 1992.
Enkeli. [Love poems]. Uppsala: Nyna Tryckeri. Capomazza, Ilario.
1911. Un testo bileno. Revista Degli Studi Orientali
4.1049-56.Chefena Hailemariam, Sjaak Kroon, and Joel Walters.
1999. Multilingualism and nation building: Language and
education in Eritrea. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural
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Selected Proceedings of the 36thAnnual Conference on African
Linguistics: Shifting the Center of Africanism inLanguage
Politics and Economic Globalization edited by Olaoba F.
Arasanyin and Michael A. Pemberton Cascadilla Proceedings
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Project.or:Fallon, Paul D. 2006. Blin Orthography: A History and
an Assessment. In Selected Proceedings of the 36thAnnual
Conference on African Linguistics, ed. Olaoba F. Arasanyin and
Michael A. Pemberton, 93-98.Somerville, MA: Cascadilla
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